Chapter XV
Captain Morgan leaves Hispaniola and goes to St. Catherine's, which he takes.
CAPTAIN MORGAN and his companions weighed anchor from the Cape of Tiburon, December 16, 1670. Four days after they arrived in sight of St. Catherine's, now in possession of the Spaniards again, as was said before, to which they commonly banish the malefactors of the Spanish dominions in the West Indies. Here are huge quantities of pigeons at certain seasons. It is watered by four rivulets, whereof two are always dry in summer. Here is no trade or commerce exercised by the inhabitants; neither do they plant more fruits than what are necessary for human life, though the country would make very good plantations of tobacco of considerable profit, were it cultivated.
As soon as Captain Morgan came near the island with his fleet, he sent one of his best sailing vessels to view the entry of the river, and see if any other ships were there, who might hinder him from landing; as also fearing lest they should give intelligence of his arrival to the inhabitants, and prevent his designs.
Next day, before sunrise, all the fleet anchored near the island, in a bay called Aguade Grande. On this bay the Spaniards had built a battery, mounted with four pieces of cannon. Captain Morgan landed about one thousand men in divers squadrons, marching through the woods, though they had no other guides than a few of his own men, who had been there before, under Mansvelt. The same day they came to a place where the governor sometimes resided: here they found a battery called the Platform, but nobody in it, the Spaniards having retired to the lesser island, which, as was said before, is so near the great one, that a short bridge only may conjoin them.
This lesser island was so well fortified with forts and batteries round it, as might seem impregnable. Hereupon, as soon as the Spaniards perceived the pirates approach, they fired on them so furiously, that they could advance nothing that day, but were content to retreat, and take up their rest in the open fields, which was not strange to these people, being sufficiently used to such kind of repose. What most afflicted them was hunger, having not eat anything that whole day. About midnight it rained so hard, that they had much ado to bear it, the greatest part of them having no other clothes than a pair of seaman's trousers or breeches, and a shirt, without shoes or stockings. In this great extremity they pulled down a few thatched houses to make fires withal; in a word, they were in such a condition, that one hundred men, indifferently well armed, might easily that night have torn them all in pieces. Next morning, about break of day, the rain ceased, and they dried their arms and marched on: but soon after it rained afresh, rather harder than before, as if the skies were melted into waters; which kept them from advancing towards the forts, whence the Spaniards continually fired at them.
The pirates were now reduced to great affliction and danger, through the hardness of the weather, their own nakedness, and great hunger; for a small relief hereof, they found in the fields an old horse, lean, and full of scabs and blotches, with galled back and sides: this they instantly killed and flayed, and divided in small pieces among themselves, as far as it would reach (for many could not get a morsel) which they roasted and devoured without salt or bread, more like ravenous wolves than men. The rain not ceasing, Captain Morgan perceived their minds to relent, hearing many of them say they would return on board. Among these fatigues of mind and body, he thought convenient to use some sudden remedy: to this effect, he commanded a canoe to be rigged in haste, and colours of truce to be hanged out. This canoe he sent to the Spanish governor, with this message: "That if within a few hours he delivered not himself and all his men into his hands, he did by that messenger swear to him, and all those that were in his company, he would most certainly put them to the sword, without granting quarter to any."
In the afternoon the canoe returned with this answer: "That the governor desired two hours' time to deliberate with his officers about it, which being past, he would give his positive answer." The time being elapsed, the governor sent two canoes with white colours, and two persons to treat with Captain Morgan; but, before they landed, they demanded of the pirates two persons as hostages. These were readily granted by Captain Morgan, who delivered them two of the captains for a pledge of the security required. With this the Spaniards propounded to Captain Morgan, that the governor, in a full assembly, had resolved to deliver up the island, not being provided with sufficient forces to defend it against such an armada. But withal, he desired Captain Morgan would be pleased to use a certain stratagem of war, for the better saving of his own credit, and the reputation of his officers both abroad and at home, which should be as follows:—That Captain Morgan would come with his troops by night to the bridge that joined the lesser island to the great one, and there attack the fort of St. Jerome: that at the same time all his fleet would draw near the castle of Santa Teresa, and attack it by land, landing, in the meanwhile, more troops near the battery of St. Matthew: that these troops being newly landed, should by this means intercept the governor as he endeavoured to pass to St. Jerome's fort, and then take him prisoner; using the formality, as if they forced him to deliver the castle; and that he would lead the English into it, under colour of being his own troops. That on both sides there should be continual firing, but without bullets, or at least into the air, so that no side might be hurt. That thus having obtained two such considerable forts, the chiefest of the isle, he need not take care for the rest, which must fall of course into his hands.
These propositions were granted by Captain Morgan, on condition they should see them faithfully observed; otherwise they should be used with the utmost rigour: this they promised to do, and took their leave, to give account of their negotiation to the governor. Presently after, Captain Morgan commanded the whole fleet to enter the port, and his men to be ready to assault, that night, the castle of St. Jerome. Thus the false battle began, with incessant firing from both the castles, against the ships, but without bullets, as was agreed. Then the pirates landed, and assaulted by night the lesser island, which they took, as also both fortresses; forcing the Spaniards, in appearance, to fly to the church. Before this assault, Captain Morgan sent word to the governor, that he should keep all his men together in a body; otherwise, if the pirates met any straggling Spaniards in the streets, they should certainly shoot them.
This island being taken by this unusual stratagem, and all things put in order, the pirates made a new war against the poultry, cattle, and all sorts of victuals they could find, for some days; scarce thinking of anything else than to kill, roast, and eat, and make what good cheer they could. If wood was wanting, they pulled down the houses, and made fires with the timber, as had been done before in the field. Next day they numbered all the prisoners they had taken upon the island, which were found to be in all four hundred and fifty-nine persons, men, women, and children; viz., one hundred and ninety soldiers of the garrison; forty inhabitants, who were married: forty-three children, thirty-four slaves, belonging to the king; with eight children, eight banditti, thirty-nine negroes belonging to private persons; with twenty-seven female blacks, and thirty-four children. The pirates disarmed all the Spaniards, and sent them out immediately to the plantations to seek for provisions, leaving the women in the church to exercise their devotions.
Soon after they reviewed the whole island, and all the fortresses thereof, which they found to be nine in all, viz., the fort of St. Jerome, next the bridge, had eight great guns, of twelve, six, and eight pounds carriage; with six pipes of muskets, every pipe containing ten muskets. Here they found still sixty muskets, with sufficient powder and other ammunition. The second fortress, called St. Matthew, had three guns, of eight pounds each. The third, and chiefest, named Santa Teresa, had twenty great guns, of eighteen, twelve, eight, and six pounds; with ten pipes of muskets, like those before, and ninety muskets remaining, besides other ammunition. This castle was built with stone and mortar, with very thick walls, and a large ditch round it, twenty feet deep, which, though it was dry, yet was very hard to get over. Here was no entry, but through one door, to the middle of the castle. Within it was a mount, almost inaccessible, with four pieces of cannon at the top; whence they could shoot directly into the port. On the sea side it was impregnable, by reason of the rocks round it, and the sea beating furiously upon them. To the land it was so commodiously seated on a mountain, as there was no access to it but by a path three or four feet broad. The fourth fortress was named St. Augustine, having three guns of eight and six pounds. The fifth, named La Plattaforma de la Conception, had only two guns, of eight pounds. The sixth, by name San Salvador, had likewise no more than two guns. The seventh, called Plattaforma de los Artilleros, had also two guns. The eighth, called Santa Cruz, had three guns. The ninth, called St. Joseph's Fort, had six guns, of twelve and eight pounds, besides two pipes of muskets, and sufficient ammunition.
In the storehouses were above thirty thousand pounds of powder, with all other ammunition, which was carried by the pirates on board. All the guns were stopped and nailed, and the fortresses demolished, except that of St. Jerome, where the pirates kept guard and resistance. Captain Morgan inquired for any banditti from Panama or Puerto Bello, and three were brought him, who pretended to be very expert in the avenues of those parts. He asked them to be his guides, and show him the securest ways to Panama, which, if they performed, he promised them equal shares in the plunder of that expedition, and their liberty when they arrived in Jamaica. These propositions the banditti readily accepted, promising to serve him very faithfully, especially one of the three, who was the greatest rogue, thief, and assassin among them, who had deserved rather to be broken alive on the wheel, than punished with serving in a garrison. This wicked fellow had a great ascendant over the other two, and domineered over them as he pleased, they not daring to disobey his orders.
Captain Morgan commanded four ships and one boat to be equipped, and provided with necessaries, to go and take the castle of Chagre, on the river of that name; neither would he go himself with his whole fleet, lest the Spaniards should be jealous of his farther design on Panama. In these vessels he embarked four hundred men, to put in execution these his orders. Meanwhile, himself remained in St. Catherine's with the rest of the fleet, expecting to hear of their success.
5. Дальнейшие поиски. Обнаружение тела Рустема Слободина
Перевал Дятлова. Смерть, идущая по следу... 5. Дальнейшие поиски. Обнаружение тела Рустема Слободина
Вермёмся, впрочем, к хронике событий на перевале. 5 марта, на следующий день после анатомирования в Ивделе найденных тел, был обнаружен труп Рустема Слободина. Тело находилось на склоне Холат-Сяхыл почти по середине пути между точками, в которых ранее нашли трупы Зины Колмогоровой и Игоря Дятлова. По оценке следователя до того места, где упала Колмогорова расстояние не превышало 150 м. вверх по склону, а того, где погиб Дятлов - 180 м. вниз. Слободин лежал практически на прямой линии от палатки к кедру, подобно своим товарищам, найденным прежде на склоне. Схема, демонстрирующая взаимное расположение тел погибших туристов, найденных в феврале-марте 1959 г. Условные обозначения: "^" - палатка группы Дятлова на восточном склоне Холат-Сяхыл, "L"- кедр над четвёртым притоком Лозьвы, "+1-2"- место обнаружения трупов Георгия Кривонищенко и Юрия Дорошенко, "+3"- положение трупа Игоря Дятлова (примерно в 400 м. от кедра), "+4"- положение тела Зины Колмогоровой на склоне Холат-Сяхыл (по приблизительной оценке прокурора В.И.Темпалова примерно в 500 м. от тела Дятлова), "+5"- место, где был найден труп Рустема Слободина. Тело находилось под слоем снега толщиною 12-15 см. и было ориентировано головою вверх по склону.
Глава XVI
Путешествие натуралиста вокруг света на корабле «Бигль». Глава XVI. Северное Чили и Перу
Прибрежная дорога в Кокимбо Большие тяжести, переносимые горняками Кокимбо Землетрясение Ступенчатые террасы Отсутствие современных отложений Одновременность третичных формаций Экскурсия вверх по долине Дорога в Гуаско Пустыни Долина Копьяпо Дождь и землетрясение Водобоязнь Деспобладо Индейские развалины Вероятная перемена климата Русло реки, выпученное землетрясением Сильные холодные ветры Звуки холма Элъ-Брамадор Икике Соляное отложение. Азотнокислый натрий Лима Нездоровая местность Развалины Кальяо, разрушенного землетрясением Недавнее опускание Поднятые раковины на Сан-Лоренсо, их разложение Равнина с погребенными раковинами и обломками глиняной посуды Древность индейской расы 27 апреля.— Я отправился в поездку в Кокимбо, а затем через Гуаско в Копьяпо, откуда капитан Фиц-Рой любезно предложил захватить меня на борт «Бигля». Расстояние по прямой линии вдоль берега, на север, составляло всего 420 миль, но мой способ путешествия очень затянул поездку. Я купил четырех лошадей и двух мулов; последние должны были таскать поклажу по очереди, день через день. Шесть животных все вместе стоили всего 25 фунтов стерлингов, а в Копьяпо я перепродал их за 23 фунта. Мы путешествовали так же независимо, как и прежде: сами себе стряпали и спали на свежем воздухе. Когда мы подъезжали к Виньо-дель-Мар, я бросил прощальный взгляд на Вальпараисо и пришел в восхищение от его живописного вида.
От автора
Борьба за Красный Петроград. От автора
В истории Октябрьской революции и гражданской войны в России Петроград занимает исключительное место. Первый коллективный боец в дни великого Октября — Петроград приобрел себе славу и первого героического города в годы тяжелой, изнурительной гражданской войны. В фокусе ожесточенной борьбы за Петроград символически отразились начало и конец классового поединка в России. Корниловское наступление на Петроград в августе — сентябре 1917 г., явившееся походом буржуазно-помещичьей контрреволюции против революционного пролетариата России, знаменовало собой начало кровопролитной гражданской войны. Это наступление было ликвидировано прежде, чем смогло вылиться в определенные реальные формы. Последняя попытка белой гвардии завладеть Петроградом в октябре 1919 г., совпавшая по времени с переходом в решительное наступление на Москву южной контрреволюции, была уже по существу агонией белого дела, ее предсмертными судорогами и увенчалась победой пролетарской революции. [10] Непосредственно на Петроградском фронте была одержана победа не столько над отечественной контрреволюцией, сколько над вдохновлявшей ее мировой буржуазией. Империалистическая политика стран-победительниц в мировой войне получила серьезный удар на северо-западе России, — удар, предвосхитивший победу Советов на всех фронтах гражданской войны. В условиях величайших сдвигов в великой классовой борьбе все попытки класса эксплуататоров подавить Республику Советов были обречены на неуспех.
5. Те, кто работал и создавал...
Записки «вредителя». Часть I. Время террора. 5. Те, кто работал и создавал...
Во главе этих людей стоял Семен Васильевич Щербаков, расстрелянный 24 сентября 1930 года. Он был фактическим создателем северного тралового промысла и, благодаря исключительному уму и выдержке, человеком, на котором держалось все. Я не могу без волнения вспомнить о нем. Его не забудет и никто из тех, кому приходилось с ним работать. Крестьянин Астраханской губернии, выучившийся грамоте в сельской школе, он в десять лет поступил «мальчиком» на один из рыбных промыслов крупной фирмы Беззубикова. Из «мальчиков», пройдя все постепенные ступени, он стал заведующим промыслом и, наконец, доверенным фирмы в Северном районе. Уверенно и спокойно вел он крупное рыбопромышленное дело, в котором ему ничего не принадлежало, от которого он не получал ничего, кроме скромного жалованья. Он встретил революцию так же спокойно, как и вообще все в жизни. Никогда не вспоминал былых «хозяев», не говорил ни об их обидах ни о наградах. Слишком рано начал жить и слишком много видел в жизни, чтобы от чего-нибудь приходить в волнение. В революции он принял новое дело, не потеряв ни минуты, потому что его интересовало всегда одно — работа, с которой он органически сливался. Человек он был необыкновенно одаренный, а непрерывный труд и скрытый внутренний рост ставили его выше очень образованных и культурных людей.
Глава 5. Возрождение Черноморского подплава (1921-1929 гг.) [108]
Короли подплава в море червонных валетов. Часть II. Восстановление подводного плавания страны (1920–1934 гг.). Глава 5. Возрождение Черноморского подплава (1921-1929 гг.)
В 1921 г. подплав Черноморского флота представляла единственная «АГ-23». Остальные «агешки» еще строились, «Нерпа» никак не могла выйти из затяжного 4-летнего капитального ремонта. Пришедшая на смену самодержавию и лишенной иммунитета неокрепшей буржуазной власти Временного правительства власть большевиков приступила к всероссийскому погрому, «разрушая до основания весь мир насилья». Вместе с «миром насилья» в мыльной воде оказались и те, кто составлял цвет страны — их тоже выплеснули из лоханки после события, именуемого самими большевиками сначала переворотом, а затем революцией. Хотя бы прочитали слова великого русского поэта А. С. Пушкина: «Дикость, подлость и невежество не уважают прошедшего, пресмыкаясь пред одним настоящим». Не минула чаша сия и Черноморского подплава. Февраль. Пл «АГ-23» (Иконников) перешла в Севастополь и совершила безрезультатный боевой поход к берегам Крыма и Кавказа против вооруженных сил меньшевистской Грузии.
Глава 5
Борьба за Красный Петроград. Глава 5
Причины столь быстрого и успешного продвижения белогвардейцев к Петрограду кроются, главным образом, в политико-моральном состоянии частей Красной армии и населения Северо-западного района. Внутреннее положение Советской республики, отягчаемое борьбой с контрреволюционными очагами России, настроение некоторых групп населения, голод и разруха не могли не сказаться на боеспособности Красной армии. Голоса фронтовых работников о неудовлетворительном состоянии частей стали раздаваться уже с начала 1919 г. 12 января 1919 г. командование 6-й стрелковой дивизии (Северная группа 7-й Советской армии) доносило командующему 7-й армией о том, что настроение действующих частей не позволяет продолжать наступательные действия, что прибывшее за последние дни пополнение совершенно незначительно по своему составу и малобоеспособно и что в распоряжении командования нет вполне боеспособных и свободных резервов. [159] В качестве общего вывода командование 6-й дивизией считало, что в стратегическом и тактическом отношениях положение дивизионного участка чрезвычайно осложнено, так как прибывшие части не в состоянии выполнить даже задач по обороне{129}. 30 января 1919 г. почти аналогичное сообщение на имя военного комиссара Петроградского округа Б. П. Позерна было сделано Я. Ф. Фабрициусом и М. А. Левиным о состоянии частей Южной группы 7-й армии. В докладе говорилось, что под натиском противника на валкском направлении: «...части, находящиеся в боях уже непрерывно три месяца, измотавшиеся, озлобившиеся, наполовину больные, не получившие за все это время подкреплений и не бывшие ни одного дня в резерве, не выдержали удара и отходят.
Introduction
The pirates of Panama or The buccaneers of America : Introduction by George Alfred Williams
This volume was originally written in Dutch by John Esquemeling, and first published in Amsterdam in 1678 under the title of De Americaeneche Zee Roovers. It immediately became very popular and this first hand history of the Buccaneers of America was soon translated into the principal European languages. The first English edition was printed in 1684. Of the author, John Esquemeling, very little is known although it is generally conceded that he was in all probability a Fleming or Hollander, a quite natural supposition as his first works were written in the Dutch language. He came to the island of Tortuga, the headquarters of the Buccaneers, in 1666 in the employ of the French West India Company. Several years later this same company, owing to unsuccessful business arrangements, recalled their representatives to France and gave their officers orders to sell the company's land and all its servants. Esquemeling then a servant of the company was sold to a stern master by whom he was treated with great cruelty. Owing to hard work, poor food and exposure he became dangerously ill, and his master seeing his weak condition and fearing to lose the money Esquemeling had cost him resold him to a surgeon. This new master treated him kindly so that Esquemeling's health was speedily restored, and after one year's service he was set at liberty upon a promise to pay his benefactor, the surgeon, 100 pieces of eight at such a time as he found himself in funds. Once more a free man he determined to join the pirates and was received into their society and remained with them until 1672. Esquemeling served the Buccaneers in the capacity of barber-surgeon, and was present at all their exploits.
Chapter XVII
The pirates of Panama or The buccaneers of America : Chapter XVII
Captain Morgan departs from Chagre, at the head of twelve hundred men, to take the city of Panama. CAPTAIN MORGAN set forth from the castle of Chagre, towards Panama, August 18, 1670. He had with him twelve hundred men, five boats laden with artillery, and thirty-two canoes. The first day they sailed only six leagues, and came to a place called De los Bracos. Here a party of his men went ashore, only to sleep and stretch their limbs, being almost crippled with lying too much crowded in the boats. Having rested awhile, they went abroad to seek victuals in the neighbouring plantations; but they could find none, the Spaniards being fled, and carrying with them all they had. This day, being the first of their journey, they had such scarcity of victuals, as the greatest part were forced to pass with only a pipe of tobacco, without any other refreshment. Next day, about evening, they came to a place called Cruz de Juan Gallego. Here they were compelled to leave their boats and canoes, the river being very dry for want of rain, and many trees having fallen into it. The guides told them, that, about two leagues farther, the country would be very good to continue the journey by land. Hereupon they left one hundred and sixty men on board the boats, to defend them, that they might serve for a refuge in necessity. Next morning, being the third day, they all went ashore, except those who were to keep the boats.
Часть III. Концлагерь
Записки «вредителя». Часть III. Концлагерь
The Effects of a Global Thermonuclear War
Wm. Robert Johnston: Last updated 18 August 2003
4th edition: escalation in 1988 By Wm. Robert Johnston. Last updated 18 August 2003. Introduction The following is an approximate description of the effects of a global nuclear war. For the purposes of illustration it is assumed that a war resulted in mid-1988 from military conflict between the Warsaw Pact and NATO. This is in some ways a worst-case scenario (total numbers of strategic warheads deployed by the superpowers peaked about this time; the scenario implies a greater level of military readiness; and impact on global climate and crop yields are greatest for a war in August). Some details, such as the time of attack, the events leading to war, and the winds affecting fallout patterns, are only meant to be illustrative. This applies also to the global geopolitical aftermath, which represents the author's efforts at intelligent speculation. There is much public misconception concerning the physical effects of nuclear war--some of it motivated by politics. Certainly the predictions described here are uncertain: for example, casualty figures in the U.S. are accurate perhaps to within 30% for the first few days, but the number of survivors in the U.S. after one year could differ from these figures by as much as a factor of four. Nonetheless, there is no reasonable basis for expecting results radically different from this description--for example, there is no scientific basis for expecting the extinction of the human species. Note that the most severe predictions concerning nuclear winter have now been evaluated and discounted by most of the scientific community. Sources supplying the basis for this description include the U.S.
3300 - 2100 BC
From 3300 to 2100 BC
Early Bronze Age. From 3300 BC to the establishment of the Middle Kingdom of Egypt in 2100-2000 BC.
II. На отлете
Побег из ГУЛАГа. Часть 3. II. На отлете
Странное чувство: я собираюсь в отчаянный побег, и стоит кому-нибудь заподозрить меня в этом, расстрел обеспечен и мне, и мужу, — но вместе с тем страдаю от невозможности взглянуть последний раз на то, что остается. Ни на что не хватает времени, сердце заходится от печали: я же расстаюсь со всем, со всеми! Я не успеваю опомниться, и вот мы с сыном уже в поезде и едем увы, знакомой дорогой. По-прежнему у насыпи заключенные копают землю, едут на свидания жены, конфузливо сторонясь других пассажиров. Но я теперь не чувствую себя повязанной с ними одной участью. Я еду не на свидание, а гораздо дальше. Мы с сыном попадаем в компанию студентов, которых послали из лесного техникума нарядчиками и десятниками на лесозаготовки. Настроение у них не очень веселое, и мне еще приходится их утешать. Сапоги выдали не всем, — как по лесу ходить в поношенных штиблетах — неизвестно. Накомарников нет совсем. Сказали, что все выдадут на месте работы, но кто этому поверит? Не ехать было нельзя, потому что лесной техникум на общем собрании вызвался послать студентов на лесозаготовки. Приняли постановление общим криком, а потом уже по разверстке определяли, кого куда. В светлую полярную ночь не спится: душно, жарко, из окон засыпает песком и паровозной сажей. — Ты чего не дрыхнешь? — перешептываются двое студентов на верхних полках. — Помнишь, Мишку убили в прошлом году? — Не в этих местах. Под Архангельском. — Тоже на лесозаготовках. — Случай. — Невеселый! — Ясно. Лесорубам не веселее нашего.